I. OVERVIEW OF MIGRATION

Internal migration

The Cambodian population has experienced a great deal of internal and international migration since 1970, most of which has been a direct result of civil war, violent confrontation, marriage, education, work opportunity, natural disaster, landlessness and political instability. According to the National Institute of Statistics (NIS), 2004, 35.1 per cent of the Cambodian population are migrants, an increase of four percent since the Census of 1998 (31 per cent), with males representing 35.15 per cent and females 34.05 per cent. Although the male migration rate is slightly higher than that for females, the number of female migrants outweighs that of males owing to the slightly smaller proportion of males in the population.

Cambodian women migrate for a wider range of reasons, beyond that of direct economic need. Women tend to move due to family reasons - 50 per cent compared with 30 per cent for men. Women move because they want to join their husbands who are working in Phnom Penh; women move because they have family or relatives who encourage them to do so; and they move because of landlessness, poverty and a desire to seek a better life. Contrary to common perceptions, a higher percentage of men move as a result of marriage, 25 per cent compared to about 10 per cent for women (NIS, 2005).

In 2005, garment manufacture accounted for 80.4 per cent of Cambodia's total exports. This sector employed directly or indirectly labor force more than 250,000 people in 2005 and 348,000 people in 2007. Eighty-five per cent of garment factory workers are women from rural villages (World Bank, 2006). The need for female workers in the garment sector has led to increasing migration of young women from rural areas to Phnom Penh and other urban areas.

International migration

The Royal Government of Cambodian, like other governments in the region, promotes the export of Cambodian workers abroad. Reference to Cambodian international labour migration can be found in Cambodia’s National Poverty Reduction Strategy “the government’s policy is to encourage official labour exports to increase welfare, enhance skills, reduce unemployment and increase state revenues. The government’s goal is to develop appropriate government policies and regulations and bilateral arrangements, which do not prohibitively raise the costs yet adequately protect the interests of export workers” (2002).

Since 1995, Cambodia is categorized as a migrant sending country in the region. Cambodia is an important exporter of migrant workers to other Asian countries (Thailand, Malaysia, South Korea) and Gulf countries (Saudi Arabia and Qatar). Thailand and Malaysia are the main destinations followed closely by South Korea. As of 2005, over 400,000 labor migrants were working in over 10 nations and territories (MOLVT, 2006).

Cambodian women migrant workers are employed overseas as domestic workers, factory workers, labourers, fish cutters, shrimp peelers, and so on. Compared with men, they are more vulnerable to abuse and exploitation due to gender-based discrimination, and they often have a lower set of skills and knowledge.

II. GENDER DIMENSION OF INTERNAL AND INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION

Gender dimension of internal migration

There is some gender specificity in the migratory streams. Females made up 56 per cent of migrants to Phnom Penh, as revealed by the 2004 Cambodia Inter-censal Population Survey. This is evidently in response to the opening up of numerous garment factories and shoe factories in the capital since the mid-1990s (NIS, 2005).

However, due to low education and literacy, Khmer women face constraints in finding good jobs that are well paid – both abroad and in their country. Within Cambodia, there are limited waged employment opportunities for low skilled women, except in the garment industry. In 2005, garment manufacture accounted for 80.4 per cent of Cambodia's total exports. This sector employed directly or indirectly labor force more than 250,000 people in 2005 and 348,000 people in 2007. Eighty-five per cent of garment factory workers are women from rural villages (World Bank, 2006).

Most women migrants are young women aged 16-22, and the migration status of women is not strongly influenced by their educational attainment. The prospects of having a stable job that could fetch them as much as US$60-$70 a month has attracted many young, single rural women to migrate to urban areas.

The need for female workers in the garment sector has led to increasing migration of young women from the rural areas to Phnom Penh and other urban areas. The Cambodia Social-Economic Survey 2004 report states that more that 18.3 per cent of women in Phnom Penh work in the garment factories. In addition, the informal labour sector has absorbed some rural women migrants in areas such as street peddling, construction, manual labour, domestic service, garbage collection, etc. However, the informal sector is not covered by labour laws and therefore it does not provide any form of social security for its areas.

In addition, many women migrants also find employment in the informal labour sector as domestic workers, hairdressers, petrol and cigarette sellers, manicurists, shop assistants, fruit and food sellers, labourers and so on. In short, they take work that falls within the domain of “female work” and which requires a lot of skills.

Gender dimension of International Migration

Like many of the countries in the Greater Mekong Sub-region, Cambodia has yet to establish an integrated and effective labour management system. The Royal Government of Cambodia has adopted a market economy approach to recruiting and sending of Cambodia workers, leaving it largely in the hands of private, profit-driven recruitment agencies. According to the Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training, a total of more than 20,000 Cambodians have been registered and sent to work in Malaysia, the Republic of Korea and Saudi Arabia. Women make up 58 per cent of this figure. Malaysia is of particular significance as women make up a sizeable portion (73.7 per cent) of the total number of Cambodians sent there. Most of these women work as domestic workers; some also work as factory workers, shop assistants, plantation workers and construction workers.

Migration to Malaysia

From the year 2003 to 2007, the total number of labor migrants to Malaysia increased to 10,670 migrants of which there were almost five times more females than males. The number of female migrants increased from 120 in 1998 to 1,776 in 2005. In 2006, these numbers sligly decreased to 1,690. However, the figures doubly increased in 2007, up to 3,219. A large portion of females work as domestic workers such as housekeeping, house-cleaning, cooking and child care. There are also Cambodian women migrants who work in factories. 113 female migrants were employed in factories in 2000. This figure increased to 366 female migrants in 2002 and decreased to 301 female migrants in 2005, 318 female migrants in 2006 and 931 female migrants in 2007. In addition, NGOs have found that some female migrants are currently working in the entertainment industry.

Numbers of Cambodian migrants worked in domestic work and factory in Malaysia

Source: Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training

The average salary of women migrant workers in Malaysia is about US$120 per month, which is above the national average of US$30. Their contracts are usually for two years, extendable for one or two additional years maximum. According to CARAM Cambodia, which provides pre-departure training for many Khmer women sent to work in Malaysia, other common challenges that they face are: communication problems with their employers, long working hours with little time for rest, discrimination, no free weekends or annual leave, and a deep sense of loneliness and homesickness.

Other key issues and problems that Cambodian women migrants face in Malaysia are:

 -Confiscation of travel documents

- Withholding of salary or salary reduction

- Harsh working conditions

- Lack of freedom of communications and movement

- Inability to access bank accounts or keep pocket money for emergency

- Limited or no access to health facilities

- Sexual harassment (Human Rights Watch, 2005).

Migration to Thailand

Migration to Thailand can be classified into two main categories: short-term or short-range migration along the Cambodian-Thai border (trans-border commuting), with female migrants as key actors, and long-term or long-range migration linking central Cambodian provinces with Thai destinations, characterized by a large presence of male migrants.

Most male migrants to Thailand are employed in the fishing sector, either in fishing boats or fish processing factories. The migrants are paid on average 150/180 BHT per day in the fish processing factories, and 4000/8000 BHT per month on the fishing boats. Usually, the work is irregular and seasonal, and a large number of migrants work only two weeks per month. There are also women migrants in Thailand, and they are usually employed in domestic work such as housekeeping, house-cleaning, cooking, child care and personal care, and often home-based tasks (Punpuing et al., 2005).

Cambodian women migrants working as domestic workers often experience more labour exploitation and abuse than other national female workers. This links with the fact that domestic work takes place in private households. Migrant domestic workers are isolated from other employees, friends or family. Many cannot communicate in their employer’s languages, which leads to low negotiation skills, and verbal and physical abuse. Freedom of movement is also violated by employers who keep the migrant workers’ original documents. Many cases of migrant domestic workers fleeing and hence becoming undocumented migrants have been observed. However, many more abused workers remain with their employers because of fear of deportation or loss of legal status. They fear losing their jobs, which are often the main support for their families at the place of origin (Punpuing, 2006).

There were also incidents of withholding, or non-payment, of wages. The domestic workers felt vulnerable when they had to constantly remind and request their salary from employers. In addition, 78.6 per cent reported that their employer did not provide any assistance in covering health care expenses (Punpuing et al., 2005).

While working in Thailand, Cambodian migrants, both registered and undocumented, but especially the latter felt alone and isolated. Since many faced a language barrier, they encountered many personal, health, security, family or social problems that they cannot share with others or seek redress for. Many migrants have also articulated their need for channels for remitting money and communicating with their families back home.

Migration to the Republic of Korea

Since 2003, Cambodia has been sending approximately 650 migrant workers per year to The Republic of Korea through a “trainee system”. This system allows Cambodian nationals to work in Korea for short periods of time to acquire new skills that they may be able to use upon their return to Cambodia to secure gainful employment. Currently there are 3,983 Cambodian migrant workers ,of which 455 are females, employed in Korea. All of them are documented migrants and the great majority are males. The modalities of recruitment are similar to those used for migrants to Malaysia.

Cambodian Migrant Workers in The Republic of Korea

Source: Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training, 2006

Migration to the Republic of Saudi Arabia

In 2005, 34 Cambodian migrant workers were sent to work in Saudi Arabia, but due to the absence of a Cambodian diplomatic mission to monitor the situation of migrant workers, the Cambodian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has suspended any further labour migration to that country. The 34 migrant workers currently in Saudi Arabia completed their contracts in 2007. During this time, the Saudi Embassy in Bangkok collaborated with the Cambodian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to monitor their situation.

The transfer of remittances

In Malaysia and South Korea, most migrants have bank accounts that are managed by their employers. Some of them remit money home with the help of their employers or private agents. But many have reported not being able to access their own bank accounts or not knowing how much money they had in the account until the end of their contracts.

As there is no formal money transfer system between Cambodia and Thailand, remittances are transferred through informal channels. These systems are used to avoid robberies on both sides of the border. By far, the most common system is the phone system.Usually, the informal money transfer system involves the migrant contacting their relative or person in Cambodia who is to receive the money (recipient) through a telephone or ICOM3 shop which contacts a collaborating shop located near to the sender’s home. Less common is the transfer of remittances through a broker or by the migrant him/herself.

The cost to the sender is approximately 10% of remittances. However, there is limited information on transfer costs. According to key informants in sending areas the most quoted figure is around 30% of remittances, but it seems more probable that the cost varies according to the amount of money remitted. For remittances above 1,000 BHT usually a forfeit sum is usually paid to the intermediaries (Maltoni, 2006).

There are also a number of private operators who have connections with their home towns and provinces in Cambodia and who assist migrants in sending money home in a similar manner (LSCW, 2005).

III. GENDER EQUALITY AND A RIGHTS-BASED APPROACH TO LABOUR MIGRATION

Gender inequalities exist in Cambodia’s labor markets. Traditional attitudes towards girl’s education and appropriate occupations for women and men have shaped existing inequalities and continue to perpetuate disparities in employment. One of Cambodia’s greatest challenge is to expand employment opportunities fast enough to absorb more the 250,000 young people who are reaching working age and entering the employment market each year. The labor force aged 20 to 24 grew an estimated 66 percent between 1997 and 2001, and the number of youth in the labor force aged 15 to 19 years increased by 58 percent.

Overall, women make up 52 percent of the Cambodian workforce and the female labor force participation rate, which is 82 percent, is the highest in the region. Women outnumber men in the labor force in all age groups from 15 to 54, with the exception of those in the group age 25 to 29. 82.5 percent of the total labor force lives in rural areas, and of this, 53 percent is female.

The paid employment market in Cambodia employs 16 percent of the economically active population, 19 percent of men and 14 percent of women. The majority of employed women work in the garment sector.

In the garment industry, women comprise up to 90 percent of the workforce. They are relatively well paid compared to women in other sectors and also relatively well educated: 61 percent have primary school education, 31 percent have lower secondary education, and 8 percent hold high school certificates.

With growth in the garment industry, the trade union movement has grown as well. There are now more than 100 trade unions, and more than 90 percent of union member are women.

On average, men’s wages are 33 percent higher than those of women. The largest wage differences occur between young men and young women age 15-19 years old, who have no schooling. The wage difference across education levels is less for men than women. With an upper-secondary and post-secondary education, men and women can earn 42 percent and 80 percent more, respectively, in comparison with men and women with no schooling, (WB, 2004).

One of Cambodia’s MDG targets is to achieve equity to new waged employment opportunities by 2015. Persistent gender inequalities in access to new opportunities are due to lower levels of education and socially prescribed occupational choices. These greatly constrain the opportunities of women. Ensuring equitable access to new job opportunities that emerge out of trade development efforts requires equitable access to appropriate training.

IV. VULNERABILITY AND GENDER ISSUES TO LABOUR MIGRATION

Most Cambodian women migrants, both documented and undocumented, leave their children and families behind. Sexual abuse, rape, slavery-like labour conditions, and discrimination of all kinds are very common. All this makes the protection of documented and undocumented migrants a priority in order to ensure respect for their rights at every stage of their journey.

The awareness of labour rights and consequences of migration is low among Cambodian migrant workers, most of whom have their rights or interests undermined at some stage in the migration process. Cambodian policy and legislation on international migration remains at an infancy stage, despite the establishment of several bilateral labour agreements in the region.

Cambodian domestic workers constitute one of the most vulnerable groups of migrant workers. These women suffered a number of physical abuses and violations of their rights. Their employers imposed a harsh and at times brutal environment of long working hours, little or no rest, inadequate food, physical and psychological assault, solitary confinement and limited or no freedom of movement and communication.

Cambodian women migrants also face various vulnerabilities at different stages of the migration process. Vulnerability is linked to being ill-informed about the risks of migration and the potential for trafficking, having little or no education, little or no skill, little self-esteem and little “street smarts”. And poverty is linked to all these factors (ILO, 2006: 21).

The types of vulnerability can be broadly categorized as: (1) economic, (2) lack of education and information, (3) family situation (number of dependants, illness, family breakdown, gambling, alcohol), (4) social context (social networks, social exclusion), and (5) individual characteristics (personality, rape) (Derks et al., 2006).

At the point of recruitment, migrant workers face a set of vulnerabilities including poverty, unemployment and the desire to seek a better life. At this stage, it is easy for the brokers to persuade potential migrants to agree to their propositions. Villagers often have so little that event the promise of a slight improvement of their situation sounds attractive. Moreover they have few means of verifying the truth the proposal. Perhaps a verification is not even considered necessary in their community, where information is exchanged freely and informally, and the broker is someone they are acquainted with or someone who lives in the same or a nearby village.

The second stage of vulnerability exists when the workers are about to sign employment contract with the recruiting agency, usually at an office in Phnom Penh. The hopes and expectations built up before going to Phnom Penh make the workers reluctant to quit at this stage, even if there have doubts. The workers may be pressured into signing a contract, the content and significance of which they have little comprehension. For most of the workers, the prospect of going abroad fills them with both excitement and trepidation at the same time. Their low education and skills, as well as their complete reliance on the recruiting agencies for information and arrangements, do not allow their grasp and appreciation of the situation beyond the consuming thought of being able to earn more money. Finally, the migrant workers experience their greatest vulnerability at the destination place.

Being in a foreign land, unable to express themselves, with little money, passport (or other ID) and at a loss where to seek help, the migrants are at the mercy of the employer. Add to that the low social standing of the migrant workers, and it is all too easy to see how some workers end up in a situation akin to forced slavery. The solitary foreign domestic worker may suffer themselves due to being a lone and dependent of any support mechanisms.

Debt is another factor which increases the vulnerability of worker to being trapped in forced labour. Before migration, the advance money from the recruitment agency can be considered a form of debt bondage. Migrant workers can easily accumulate fraudulent, odious debts after they decide to enter into an employment agreement with the recruiting agency. Without knowing exactly how and why they find themselves owing money to the company for expenditures on transport, food, lodging, training, medical examination, making of passports and other legal documents, work placement, airfare and so on. These debts occur even before they have started work. The company demands that the workers complete the full tenure of their contracts in order to service the debts. Workers are thereby faced into staying in the jobs, even if conditions are deplorable.

V. INSTITUTIONS AND POLICIES TO PROMOTE GENDER EQUALITY ON MIGRATION

Currently, Cambodia does not have detailed policies and or law on migration. The formulation and development of any policy or legislation related to migration comes under the direct jurisdiction of the MoLVT. The Department of Employment and Manpower of MoLVT oversees the process of registration and sending of Cambodian workers abroad. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MoWA) is the overarching national machinery for promoting the role and status of women in Cambodia and has been actively involved in the prevention and eradication on trafficking of Khmer women and children.

Female labour migration has recently surfaced as a new policy agenda for the MoWA. In early 2006, it decided to integrate the “promotion and support (of a) gender-responsive migration policy” into its yearly work plan. In October 2006, the MoWA collaborated with the MoLVT to create what would be considered the first Inter-Ministerial Taskforce on Migration (IMTM) in Cambodia, an initiative supported by the UNIFEM Empowerment of Women Migrant Workers Project (D’Cunha, 2005).

The IMTM is to be used as a mechanism to open up dialogue with relevant government authorities and civil society, to exchange information and gain a greater understanding of special protection needs of women migrant workers and to coordinate and lead interventions that help ensure safe migration. It is hopeful that the IMTM will fulfill the needs and interests of women migrant workers.

The Royal Government of Cambodia adopted a sub-decree on deployment of workers overseas that specified procedures to be followed, required registration of recruitment agencies, mandated pre-departure training and spelled out basic rights and benefits for the workers. In reality, the recruitment and deployment of migrant workers has largely been left to the private recruitment agencies registered with the government, and the sub-decree contained no provisions for monitoring those agencies.

So far, there are three Prakas which deal with the international labor migration. First is Prakas No. 57, dated July 20, 1995, on the export of Khmer labor to work overseas. Since 1995 private sector companies have been permitted to export labor. Moreover, this Prakas aims to formalize the process of out-labor migration. By defining the rights, obligations of recruiting and other sending entities, the government, agencies and the worker themselves, this Prakas also enables local labor export agencies to expand to better meet the needs of their foreign partners. Workers are required to take language, culture and vocation training before they are sent overseas. Second is Prakas No. 108 organized by the same ministry dated May 31, 2006, on education of HIV/AIDS, safe migration and labor right for Cambodian workers abroad. Finally, Sub-decree 70 focuses on the creation of a public manpower training and overseas sending abroad programme which was put into action on July 25, 2006. This sub-decree defines the guidelines for the implementation of a public recruitment system, which will coexist with the private agencies. The aim of the public recruitment system is to provide migrant workers with a cheaper and safer labour migration channel.

Cambodia is a signatory of the International Convention on Protection Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families. Cambodia is also one of the most prolific countries in Asia in term of ratifying the UN and ILO conventions relevant to migrants, women and workers (e.g. international conventions on civil and political rights, economic and social rights, racial discrimination, discrimination against women, children’s rights).

There are also a number of MOUs singed by the government of Cambodia and its neighboring countries such as Thailand and Vietnam, and the main international agreements on labour migration under negotiation and signed by the Cambodian government are:

- “Memorandum of Understanding between Cambodia and Thailand on Bilateral Cooperation in the Employment of Workers”, signed 31st May 2003.

- A Memorandum of Understanding between the Republic of Korea and Cambodia under negotiation. Since 2003, Cambodia has been sending migrant workers (trainees) to The Republic of Korea through the “trainee system”.

- A Joint Press Statement of the Second Meeting of the Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation Between Cambodia and Malaysia, Siem Reap, Cambodia (26-27 June 2006) on Labour Cooperation. Both governments agreed to expedite discussion on a draft MOU on the recruitment of Cambodian workers. The note was revised in the “Recruitment Procedures for Cambodian Nationals for Employment in Malaysia” and signed on 30 September 1999.

- MOU between Cambodia and Vietnam on cross border movement at Moc Bai – Bavet border gates.

- The MOLVT has confirmed that agreements have been signed with both Japan and Brunei however no further information on these agreements is available.

VI. RECOMMENDATIONS

Ensure gender equity of new employment opportunities

As employment opportunities increased, attention should be paid to the gender distribution of this employment. Pro-poor, gender-responsive trade strategies are needed to provide both agricultural-related and non-agricultural employment opportunities for women and men in rural areas. As technical assistance in developing these industries moves forward, there are numerous gender concerns that need to be addressed in each sector including garments, handicrafts, agro-processing, tourism and labour services.

To build consensus on gender equality and reconcile it with traditional gender roles, more discussion is needed among stakeholders to generate local definitions. Advocates for women should be promoted in the media and elsewhere as inspirational role models.

Develop strategies for upgrading the literacy and skill levels of women in the existing labor force

Achieving greater gender equality in the existing labor force requires addressing disparities between women and men in literacy and levels of education. Unless proactive measures are taken to address these disparities, most women will find it difficult to compete for high level jobs that may emerge from efforts to promote foreign investment and expand trade. They will continue to be restricted to low level, low paid occupations and remain vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Interventions could include integration of functional literacy training into employment promotion strategies, as well as support for community based adult education.

Improve the conditions for female migrant workers and migrant spouses

Gender-oriented interventions on how to protect Cambodian women migrant workers at all stages of the migration process should be debated and shared among all the stakeholders involved in the management of labour migration in Cambodia. In addition, it will be important to analyze the similarities and differences in the situation of internal and external Cambodian female migrant workers, and to conduct research on the situation and vulnerability of women left at home in rural provinces by husbands who have migrated.

Improve dissemination and monitoring of migration data and gender targets

Promote gender disaggregated statistics and gender sensitive research on the number and demographic characteristics of external and internal Khmer women migrants. There is a need for greater documentation of the volume and modes of regular and irregular migration, the processes and consequences of migration, the relationship between workers and labour agents/recruiters/employers, the abuses and problems that migrants encounter at their workplace, and the costs and benefits of migration for stakeholders in order to identify appropriate solutions and intervention strategies.

Strengthen the recruitment and training process for female migrants

Develop pre-departure training programmes for women migrant workers. Apart from providing essential information such as the language, customs and life-style norms in receiving countries, pre-departure training is imperative for educating women migrant workers on their rights, the rights and obligation of employers and recruiting companies, the relevant labour laws and immigration policies of receiving countries, and how to access services and assistance. This is of particular importance as many women migrants have received little formal education and are not aware of dishonest employment practices. Furthermore, it is important that workers are informed of their rights and responsibilities under employment contracts between the recruitment agency and worker, and the incumbent employer and worker. It is strongly recommended that such legal advice be provided by an independent, external body and not the recruitment agency.

Develop migration law and policies

A Labour Migration Law covering, both internal and external migration, should be drafted combined existing sub-decrees and parkas (sub-decree 57 on “The Sending of Khmer Workers to Work Abroad”, released the 20th July 1995, Prakas n.108 MOLVT on “Education of HIV/AIDS, Safe Migration and Labour Rights for Cambodian Workers Abroad”, released the 31st May 2006, Sub-Decree 70 “On The Creation of The Manpower Training and Overseas Sending Board”, released the 25th July 2006 and the Cambodian Labour Law). The Cambodian Labour Law should be updated to include Cambodian migrant workers abroad. As of August 2006, Article 1 states that the Labour Law applies to “employers and workers resulting from employment contracts to be performed within the territory of the Kingdom of Cambodia”.

Publicly acknowledging and educating families, communities and society on the roles and value of women migrant workers would encourage policy makers from the different ministries to be more responsive to the special needs of women migrant workers and incorporate gender dimensions of migration into their policy formulation and development.

Promoting greater public awareness at the village level of the pros and cons of migration, the current existing legislation on migration, and Cambodian labour laws and rights would also be very helpful. Information about safe migration should be clear and simple, and communicated to the people in a way that is easily understood and widely accessible. Women should be made aware of the particular vulnerabilities they face when they choose to migrate, and what they can do when confronted with trouble. This can be done with the assistance of the Provincial Department of Women’s Affairs and the Women and Children Focal Points at the commune level.

All measures recommended above are meant to improve the current situation and provide women and men alike with adequate information so they can make informed choices before they migrate.

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